Сука, аж скрепы погнулись

Непоганий удар в псіну

Спостерігаємо

https://www.patreon.com/posts/127512702?utm_campaign=postshare_creator

І знову кацапів принижують

Гру рф, шо с єбалом?

https://www.patreon.com/posts/127566042?utm_campaign=postshare_creator

Якщо ви ненавидите кацапів так само як і ми, тоді ви маєте підписатися на ці канали!

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🇺🇦 Фашик Донецький - тут роспропаганду помножують на нуль.
🇺🇦 Євген Вольнов — славнозвісний майор Чернобаєв, від якого волають кацапські мамки.
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🇺🇦 Останній Капіталіст - тут купують українське економічне диво.
🇺🇦 Український Наступ - палим руzню з 2014. Не зупиняємось.
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🇺🇦 Маг.inc - авторський канал, на якому русня атріцатєльно оживає.
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Підписатись на всі топові канали одночасно: Тицьни тут

Шмар band воет на фоне деревянных окон и туалета на улице

Теперь я видел все

Фтарая армія міра, ти?

Сукаблдйбнпздц

Аживаєт, блядь, ага

Што?

#дичь #хворі

А смысл?)

До речі, канал на Патреон можна підтримати тут

Хто зараз голосно матюкається, той зрозумів, де це

Сукаякийжепздц

Praying for the dead or killing the enemy: the British church's rift in 1945

Preamble. After watching a British TV series that touched on the Second World War, I have long wanted to write a long article about the British church's reaction to the bombing of Germany

The topic is simple for me personally, because I am not a religious person. For others, it is a difficult topic.

However, it is really interesting to see how the guys in robes reacted to revenge.

When in 1943-1945 the British air force began large-scale bombing of German cities (Hamburg, Cologne, Berlin, Dresden), the reaction of the church was ambivalent and internally tense.

There was the official line, which was in fact restrained support. At the beginning of the large-scale bombing campaign (1943), most church leaders were publicly silent or cautiously supported air strikes as a necessary evil. They said that the war was imposed on Britain, and therefore "the Lord will understand the suffering we are forced to inflict in order to defeat the greatest evil". Accordingly, many perceived the bombing as a just retaliation for the London Blitz (1940-1941), when the Germans barbarously bombed British cities.

The same Archbishop of Canterbury publicly stated in a number of his speeches in 1942-1943, including in Parliament and in addresses via the BBC, that the fight against Nazi Germany was a "crusade against absolute evil". He also said that the war was morally justified because it was about defending the foundations of humanity, and stressed that in the war against Hitler "it may be justified to use force which at other times would be morally questionable" if it led to the destruction of a profound evil.

From his 1943 speech:

"To preserve the hope of a just society, it may be necessary to endure the use of force where otherwise one would shrink from it."
("To preserve the hope of a just society, it may be necessary to endure the use of force where otherwise one would shrink from it.")

From another address in 1943:

"We are engaged not merely in self-defence, but in defence of the moral law itself."
("We are engaged not merely in self-defence, but in defence of the moral law itself.")

But not all was well. At the end of 1944, when the extent of the destruction in Germany became known, debates began within the church: how justified was the destruction of civilians? There was a fear among the clergy that Britain might lose its moral high ground by winning. This was especially acute after the destruction of Dresden in February 1945 (25,000 people died in the fire).

That is why some British bishops and priests began to openly criticise the Nazis. The most famous example is George Bell, Bishop of Chichester. In March 1945, he said in the House of Lords: "By turning our forces into instruments of indifferent destruction, we are destroying the very foundations of what we are fighting for."

Bell explicitly condemned the bombing of Dresden as an immoral act, arguing that victory without morality is a defeat of the spirit. His speech was met with hostility from politicians, but in the church it sparked a heated internal debate.

As a result, by the time Germany surrendered in May 1945, three camps had formed in the British church:

Pragmatists: justified the bombing as a sad but necessary price

Idealists: condemned massive attacks on civilians as a moral defeat.

silent people: they preferred not to speak out (not to comment) in order not to undermine the unity of society.

After the war, condemnation of the bombing intensified, and the church became an important participant in discussions about human rights, the morality of war, and the limits of the use of force. The figure of Bishop Bell became a symbol of moral protest within victorious Britain. The British Church itself, unlike many other institutions, did not keep silent about the moral costs of victory - even at the moment of national triumph.
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The official position of Churchill's government was simple: the government ignored or sharply criticised attempts at church criticism. Churchill and his cabinet believed that public discussion of the morality of the bombing undermined morale and could demoralise society, so it was impossible to give the enemy "moral high ground" until victory was complete. Some government officials have even unofficially referred to idealistic priests (especially George Bell) as "naive intellectuals" who "do not understand the reality of war".

After Bell's speech in March 1945, Churchill forbade the official government media to disseminate his theses in a positive light.

The authorities reacted sharply because London still remembered the bombing by German aircraft in 1940-1941 (the London Blitz), which destroyed half of the city and killed more than 43,000 civilians (I recommend viewing photos from those times), and British politicians and military officers psychologically considered the massive bombing of Germany a fair response.

The attitude of ordinary people in Britain, especially in London, to the bombing of Germany was simple and understandable: the feeling of revenge was strong - ordinary Britons remembered the victims of the Blitz, so many perceived the destruction of German cities as a well-deserved punishment. Accordingly, support for air strikes among the majority of the population remained high until the end of the war.

Surveys at the end of 1944 (Mass-Observation Survey) showed the following: 75% of Britons supported the idea of total war against Germany. Only about 10-12% expressed public doubts about the expediency of destroying German cities.

The people of London were something of a separate caste in Britain, because they experienced most of the horrors of the war. Therefore, the reaction to someone whining about something in Germany or mentioning God when the bombs started flying over London was appropriate - since most Londoners had relatives or friends who had died or lost their homes, the ideas of church idealists about "humanity towards the Germans" were perceived by many as a break from reality or even a betrayal of the memory of the victims of the Blitz.

In university elite circles, however, it was business as usual (especially in the student communities of Oxford and Cambridge) - such discussions aroused sympathy and interest.

There were cases in Britain when priests who criticised the bombing were booed during public speeches

"I will never pray for a German as long as I live, after what they did to London."
("I will never pray for a German as long as I live, after what they did to London."). Recorded in Battersea, London, March 1945.

The reaction of the British media and the BBC to church protests against the bombing is also quite interesting. To begin with, in 1939, official state censorship was introduced in Britain through the Ministry of Information. Accordingly, all media outlets, including the BBC, had to coordinate sensitive materials with censors. Criticism of the hostilities that could "undermine morale" was blocked or softened in publications.

The reaction to Bishop George Bell's speech in March 1945 was illustrative: The Times, the Daily Telegraph and the Daily Express either did not mention Bell's speech in the House of Lords at all or presented it in the form of brief notes without emphasis on the content. The BBC did not broadcast Bell's speech on the news or include it in its final radio programmes that day. Government guidelines for editors (so-called D-notices) recommended: "Avoid detailed coverage of statements that might give the impression of weakness or division in British society during the war."
As a result, Bell's speech was not included in the BBC News daily coverage of the main events of March 1945.

How were the massive bombings of Germany covered in the press? Very simply.

The official line of most newspapers was to emphasise the military significance of the attacks.

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The bombing of Dresden in February 1945 was presented as an important military operation without emphasis on the number of civilian casualties. The Times (14 February 1945) reported: "Dresden is a major railway junction and a centre of war production, the attack has a considerable strategic effect.", there was no direct mention of heavy civilian casualties in the early days.

Some liberal publications, such as the Manchester Guardian (the future The Guardian), in March-April 1945, began to cautiously publish letters from readers who expressed doubts about the correctness of the massive bombing, but there were almost no editorials on this topic until May 1945 - no one wanted to spit on the hot potato

The BBC acted on the principle of state loyalty, maintaining positive coverage of British military campaigns. In the official evening news on 13-15 February 1945 (immediately after Dresden), the BBC reported:
"Allied forces have successfully attacked transport centres and infrastructure in Dresden, inflicting heavy losses on the enemy." There was no mention of the scale of civilian casualties in the early days.

Only at the end of March 1945 did the BBC begin to acknowledge in its internal reports that "public sentiment against massive bombing was becoming more difficult", but the topic was hardly covered on air.

British propaganda worked on morally "controversial" military actions in 1943-1945 in a peculiar way. Since 1939, there were "D-Notices" (Defence Notices) - official messages to the editorial offices that recommended not to cover certain topics or to cover them in a certain way. Press releases from the Ministry of Information prepared daily template messages for newspapers and the BBC.

There was also a direct instruction to editors to avoid describing the suffering of civilians in Germany or presenting it as an "unavoidable part of the military operation". Visual materials (newsreels, posters) showed only the destruction of German factories, railways, and military installations - never residential areas. In 1943, a secret directive was issued to the press: "Do not emphasise civilian destruction in Germany; emphasise the effectiveness of operations against military targets." In 1944, the BBC received instructions: "Avoid dramatic descriptions of German suffering so as not to arouse sympathy or moral doubt among the population."In 1944, in a classified instruction to Ministry of Information staff and editors of the BBC and national newspapers, the following official line was indeed recorded:

"The Ministry does not seek to mislead the public but to assist national morale and resilience during the conflict."
("The Ministry does not seek to mislead the public but to assist national morale and resilience during the conflict.") Source: National Archives of the United Kingdom, document INF 1/292).

Newspapers that deviated from the censorship line received warnings through personal meetings at the Ministry of Information

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