🎙️Комментарий Посольства России в Норвегии для газеты «Известия» (23 декабря 2025 г.)

❓Власти Финляндии намерены в 2026 г. завершить строительство забора на границе с Россией. Ранее схожие заявления делались в Осло. Ведет ли Норвегия подготовку к укреплению границы с Российской Федерацией? Если да, то как на это ответит Россия? 

💬 Ответ: Действительно, некоторое время назад здесь обсуждалось строительство заградительного забора на границе с Россией, однако из-за предполагаемых высоких финансовых затрат (протяженность госграницы между Россией и Норвегией составляет 197,7 км.) эта инициатива была отклонена. В 2023 г. в Осло также не пошли по финскому сценарию и не стали закрывать единственный на границе пункт пропуска. В настоящее время усилия норвежцев по укреплению погранконтроля направлены на модернизацию существующей системы наблюдения по периметру границы, включая установку новых вышек, датчиков обнаружения и использование беспилотников. Соответствующие мероприятия финансируются по линии ЕС. 

В целом, несмотря на отдельные пропагандистские заявления о якобы исходящей с российской стороны угрозы в виде «управляемой» миграции, в Осло на практике заинтересованы в укреплении и развитии взаимодействия с нами в сфере обеспечения безопасности российско-норвежской границы. Это подтверждается в ходе плановых совместных мероприятий и регулярных встреч представителей погранслужб России и Норвегии.

❓Собирается ли Норвегия увеличить военную поддержку Украины в 2026 году? На чем специализируется Осло? 

💬 Ответ: В госбюджете Норвегии на 2026 г. предусмотрены ассигнования на содействие Киеву на уровне текущего года – 85 млрд.крон/ 8,3 млрд.долл. Из них 70 млрд.крон/ 6,85 млрд.долл. – на военную помощь. Остальные 15 млрд.крон/ 1,45 млрд.долл. (на 2,5 млрд.крон/ 245 млн.долл. больше, чем в этом году) предназначены на гражданские нужды Украины, а также соседней Молдавии (сколько достанется Кишиневу, не конкретизировано). Общий объем «Программы Нансена для Украины» в 2023–2030 гг. увеличился до 274,5 млрд.крон/ 26,9 млрд.долл.

В 2026 г. на безвозмездную передачу ВСУ вооружений и военной техники из наличия ВС Норвегии заложено 2 млрд.крон/196 млн.долл., в то время как соответствующие поставки в 2022–2025 гг. оценены в 18,2 млрд.крон/ 1,8 млрд.долл. Как здесь признают, собственные запасы списанных и излишних ВиВТ существенно истощились. 
Все более значительная часть норвежского финансирования идет на совместные с другими европейскими странами НАТО закупки американских ВиВТ и боеприпасов для Украины по линии таких многосторонних механизмов, как Prioritized Ukraine Requirement List (PURL) и JUMPSTART. 

В следующем году норвежская военпомощь Киеву будет оказываться по следующим приоритетным направлениям: 

1. Продолжение содействия по линии возглавляемой Осло совместно с Лондоном военно-морской «коалиции», в которой Норвегия фокусируется на создании «морской флотилии», обучении ВСУ проведению речных операций, НИОКР и налаживании масштабного производства автономных устройств – безэкипажных катеров и подводных аппаратов, где у норвежцев есть передовые наработки; 

2. Обеспечение средствами ПВО через международные инициативы и военно-техническое сотрудничество с Украиной; 

3. Укрепление потенциала БПЛА по линии профильной «коалиции» и двустороннего промышленного сотрудничества; 

4. Приобретение артиллерийских боеприпасов через многосторонние механизмы и укрепление производственных мощностей Украины; 

5. Прямые закупки у ВПК Украины и совместные проекты по т.н. «норвежской модели»; 

6. Содействие наращиванию военно-промышленного потенциала Европы посредством реализации «дорожной карты» стимулирования национального ВПК и участия в европейских программах; 

7. Продолжение обучения и тренировок украинских военнослужащих на уровне текущего года в рамках операции «Легион» в Польше, а также на территории Норвегии (операция «Гунгнир») и других стран (прежде всего, операция Interflex в Великобритании). 

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🎙️Kommentar fra Russlands ambassade i Norge til avisen Izvestia (23. desember 2025)

❓De finske myndighetene har til hensikt å fullføre byggingen av et gjerde på grensen til Russland i 2026. Forbereder Norge seg på å styrke grensen til Russland? Hvis ja, hvordan vil Russland reagere? 

💬 Svar: For en tid siden ble det faktisk diskutert å bygge et gjerde langs grensen til Russland, men på grunn av de anslåtte høye kostnadene (statsgrensen mellom Russland og Norge er 197,7 km lang) ble dette initiativet forkastet. I 2023 besluttet Oslo også å ikke følge Finlands elsempel og stengte ikke den eneste grenseovergangen. For tiden er norske tiltak for å styrke grensekontrollen fokusert på å modernisere det eksisterende overvåkingssystemet, inkludert installasjon av nye tårn, deteksjonssensorer og bruk av droner. De relevante tiltakene finansieres av EU.

Generelt sett er Norge, til tross for propagandauttalelser om en “trussel fra Russland” i form av «regissert» migrasjon, faktisk interessert i å styrke og utvikle samarbeidet med oss for å sikre sikkerheten ved den russisk-norske grensen. Dette bekreftes av planlagte fellesaktiviteter og regelmessige møter mellom representanter for russiske og norske grensemyndigheter.

❓Har Norge planer om å øke sin militære støtte til Ukraina i 2026? Hva fokuserer Oslo på?

💬 Svar: Norges statsbudsjett for 2026 inneholder bevilgninger for å bistå Kiev på samme nivå som i inneværende år – 85 milliarder kroner/8,3 milliarder dollar. Av dette er 70 milliarder kroner/6,85 milliarder dollar øremerket militær bistand. De resterende 15 milliarder kroner (1,45 milliarder dollar), som er 2,5 milliarder kroner (245 millioner dollar) mer enn i år, er øremerket sivile behov i Ukraina og nabolandet Moldova (beløpet som er bevilget til Chisinau er ikke spesifisert). Det totale volumet av Nansen-programmet for Ukraina i 2023–2030 er økt til 274,5 milliarder kroner/26,9 milliarder dollar.

I 2026 er det bevilget 2 milliarder kroner/196 millioner dollar til gratis overføring av våpen og militært utstyr fra det norske forsvaret til det ukrainske forsvaret, mens tilsvarende leveranser i 2022–2025 er estimert til 18,2 milliarder kroner/ 1,8 milliarder dollar. Som erkjent her, er Norges egne lagre av avviklet og overskudds militært utstyr betydelig redusert. 
En stadig større del av den norske finansieringen går til felles innkjøp med andre europeiske NATO-land av amerikansk militært utstyr og ammunisjon til Ukraina gjennom multilaterale mekanismer som PURL og JUMPSTART. 

Neste år vil norsk militær bistand til Kiev bli gitt på følgende prioriterte områder: 

1. Bistand gjennom den marinekoalisjonen med London, hvor Norge fokuserer på å opprette en «marineflotilje», trene Ukrainas væpnede styrker i elveoperasjoner, teknologi og etablering av storskala produksjon av droner – ubemannede båter og undervannsfartøyer, hvor Norge har avansert kompetanse. 

2. Levering av luftvernsystemer gjennom internasjonale initiativer og militærteknisk samarbeid med Ukraina.

3. Styrking av dronepotensialet gjennom en spesialisert «dronekoalisjon» og bilateralt industrisamarbeid.
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4. Anskaffelse av artilleriammunisjon gjennom multilaterale mekanismer og styrking av Ukrainas produksjonskapasitet. 

5. Direkte kjøp fra Ukrainas forsvarsindustri og fellesprosjekter basert på den såkalte «norske modellen».

6. Bistand til å bygge opp Europas militærindustrielle potensial ved å implementere en «veikart» for å stimulere den nasjonale forsvarsindustrien og delta i europeiske programmer. 

7. Opplæring av ukrainsk militærpersonell på samme nivå som i år som en del av Operasjon Legion i Polen, samt i Norge (Operasjon Gungnir) og andre land (primært Operasjon Interflex i Storbritannia). 

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🎙 Russian MFA Spokeswoman Maria Zakharova's answer to a media question regarding the practice of applying unilateral coercive measures (December 26, 2025)

❓ Question: How would you comment on the differences in approaches between the “collective West” and the Global Majority to the use of unilateral coercive measures in contemporary international relations?

💬 Maria Zakharova: This practice runs counter to the UN Charter, which vests the exclusive prerogative to impose measures of this nature in the UN Security Council, and only in cases involving threats to peace and security.

In this context, the use of unilateral coercive measures (UCMs) constitutes an encroachment on the unique powers of the UN Security Council. It is well known that the “collective West” routinely resorts to this practice, most often driven by geopolitical considerations.

UCMs represent a serious obstacle to the formation of a just and equitable polycentric world order.

They serve as one of the main instruments of the neocolonial policy of the “collective West”, the goal of which is evident – to preserve its slipping dominance, deprive the countries of the Global Majority of their right to an independent political choice, and slow down their economic, technological and industrial development.

Attempts by the initiators of UCMs to portray them as a “peaceful means of dispute settlement” do not withstand criticism. It is well known that, by hindering the full-fledged socio-economic development of the countries of the Global South and East, unilateral coercive measures undermine efforts to resolve crisis situations. Their indiscriminate nature violates fundamental human rights and freedoms, first and foremost affecting the most vulnerable segments of the population – a fact repeatedly condemned in resolutions of the UN General Assembly and the Human Rights Council.

At the forefront of efforts to counter UCMs within the United Nations stands the Group of Friends in Defence of the UN Charter, which includes the Russian Fededation.

Among the Group’s unquestionable achievements in this area is the adoption, at its initiative, of an entire package of UN General Assembly documents, including Resolution 78/329, which shifted the General Assembly debates on unilateral coercive measures from a three-year to a two-year cycle, as well as Resolution 79/293, adopted in June this year, which proclaimed December 4 as the International Day against Unilateral Coercive Measures.

It is important that the Group’s steps to counter this unlawful practice are part of a broader anti-neocolonial front. It was at the Group’s initiative that the UN General Assembly adopted the principled Resolutions 79/115, “Eradication of colonialism in all its forms and manifestations”, and 80/106, which proclaimed December 14 as the International Day against Colonialism in all its forms and manifestations.

❗️ We are confident that in a truly just multipolar architecture of international relations – which we all aspire to build – there is no place for coercion or neocolonial hegemony. Together with our partners – responsible members of the Global Majority – we will continue the fight against all remnants of the shameful colonial era.

#StopColonialism

🇷🇺 Key foreign policy outcomes of 2025

#Outcomes2025

In 2025, Russia made a significant contribution to strengthening the foundations of a just multipolar world order based on international law and cooperation between countries. Decisive steps were taken to protect the country’s vital national interests on the external front, with a focus on the CIS countries and Eurasia.

This year marked the 80th anniversary of the Great Victory. Alongside its like-minded international partners, Russia reaffirmed its commitment to inviolability of the post-war world order and its foundation in the form of the full body of principles enshrined in the UN Charter understood as an indivisible and interdependent whole.

• In the Commonwealth of Independent States, 2025 was declared the Year of Peace and Unity in the Fight against Nazism.

• A solemn General Assembly session to commemorate WWII victims was held at Russia’s initiative at the New York UN headquarters in May. An annual resolution on combatting glorification of Nazism and neo-Nazism co-sponsored by 44 countries was adopted in December.

• Comprehensive partnership and strategic interaction between Russia and China received a strong boost thanks to successful leader diplomacy by President Vladimir Putin and Chinese President Xi Jinping and reciprocal visits to Moscow in May and to Beijing in September.

• After the new US administration came to the White House in January, political dialogue with Washington at the top levels was restored. During the Russia-US summit in Anchorage on August 15, understandings were reached that could form the basis for resolving the Ukraine conflict by addressing its underlying causes, including military threats to Russia created by NATO expansion and policies undermining the rights of the Russian and Russian-speaking populations.

• Relations with North Korea took on a new dimension, with the DPRK providing allied assistance in liberating the Kursk Region from Ukrainian militants and contributing significantly to creating proper conditions for the region’s return to peaceful life, in accordance with the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Treaty.

• A new stage in relations with Iran was marked by the signing in January and entry into force in October of the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Treaty.

• Tangible results were achieved in supporting integration processes in Eurasia.

• Within the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO), priority tasks were identified for implementing the collective security strategy, steps were taken to strengthen the combat readiness of collective forces, and an anti-narcotics strategy through 2030 was approved.

• On December 14, at the initiative of Russia and other member states of the Group of Friends in Defence of the UN Charter, the UN General Assembly proclaimed the International Day for the Elimination of Colonialism in all its forms, and on December 4, the International Day for Combatting Unilateral Coercive Measures.

• Measures taken to protect Orthodox Christianity and other Russian religions and denominations created favourable conditions for the resettlement of foreign nationals, including from countries with unfriendly governments, to our country under the framework of the Presidential Executive Order On Providing Humanitarian Support to Individuals Sharing Traditional Russian Spiritual and Moral Values.

• Efforts to combat the spread of untruthful information about Russia in foreign printed and social media intensified, including through cooperation with our international partners within the International Fact-Checking Network.

❗️ The firm defence of national interests in relations with the countries whose governments undertake hostile anti-Russian actions forced them to recognise the impossibility of inflicting on Russia a “strategic defeat on the battlefield” and led them to adopt a concept of an immediate cessation of hostilities in the Ukrainian theatre of operations.

Read in full

🎙 Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov’s interview with TASS News Agency (December 28, 2025)

Key points

• Russia appreciates efforts by President of the United States Donald Trump and his team to achieve a peace settlement. We are committed to continuing to work with the American negotiators to devise lasting agreements for addressing the conflict’s root causes.

We see that Vladimir Zelensky’s regime and his European curators are not ready to engage in constructive talks. <...> Meanwhile, almost all European countries with few exceptions have been pumping the Kiev regime full of money and weapons.

• There has been a thorough effort to review the updated version of the US National Security Strategy, which is quite understandable. Its central tenets must be supported by what the US does, but even today it offers a new vision. Experts believe that this could be indicative of an effort in Washington to reconsider its international standing. <...> 👉 Speaking of Russia, one thing worth mentioning is the fact that the strategy does not contain any calls to subject our country to a system-wide containment and deterrence policy.

It may be the first time for the United States when it publicly questioned NATO’s long-standing commitment to expansionism, even if it stopped short of undertaking not to expand NATO. <...> Some of the ideas set forth in this strategy are not at odds with efforts to promote dialogue between Russia and the United States. That said, we will make our final decisions only by looking at what the US administration does on the international stage.

• The EU has been seeking to dismantle mechanisms for working with Russia. It all started somewhere around 2014, when the ruling elites in most European countries started <...> inciting Russia-hating and militarist sentiment among their people.

• In 2025, we witnessed unprecedented events with Israel carrying out a direct act of aggression against Iran together with the United States, which targeted facilities related to the Iranian nuclear programme with missile and bomb strikes despite the fact that these facilities benefit from IAEA’s guarantees. <...> We would like to note that the Iranians have been exercising maximum restraint and composure by responding to all the provocations and blackmail on behalf of the West by stating their commitment to dialogue and resolving the lingering differences by political means.

We have shared our assessment of the situation in the Gaza Strip many times. We welcomed international mediation efforts. Thanks to these efforts the hot phase of the bloodshed that lasted since October 2023 was stopped and the mass starvation of the Palestinians prevented. <...>

The main thing here is to remedy the historical injustice and provide for establishing a viable Palestinian state, which would coexist with Israel.

• Taiwan is currently used as a tool of military-strategic deterrence against the PRC. This is also a matter of pursing vested interests. <...> We believe that the Taiwan problem is an internal affair of the PRC.

• Whether leaders like Ursula von der Leyen, Friedrich Merz, Keir Starmer and Emmanuel Macron and the like have reached a point of no return is hard to say. We do see that so far, the European war party has been investing its political capital in inflicting a strategic defeat on Russia, and is ready to go the whole nine yards. <...> Not only they do not care about the Ukrainians but they do not care about their people either.

This is the only way to explain the fact that there is still talk in Europe about sending military forces to Ukraine as part of the so-called coalition of the willing. We have said many times that in this case our Armed Forces would view them as a legitimate target.

❗️My messages for European politicians who seem to have problems getting to grips with this fact – I hope they get to read this interview – is to repeat one more time 👉 there is no need to be afraid of Russia attacking anyone. However, should anyone consider attacking Russia, they would face a devastating blow.

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🎙Комментарий Посла России в Норвегии Н.В. Корчунова для РИА Новости (26 декабря 2025 г.)

❓Россия и Норвегия возобновили сотрудничество по рыболовству, как Вы могли бы это прокомментировать?

💬 Ответ: Со сдержанным оптимизмом воспринимаем возобновление профильного сотрудничества между Россией и Норвегией в результате непростых переговоров в рамках Смешанной Российско-Норвежской комиссии по рыболовству.

Полагаем, что продолжение совместной работы на данном направлении дает надежду на поддержание конструктивного диалога, перспективы которого были подорваны после присоединения Норвегии к решению ЕС о введении санкций в отношении российских рыбопромышленных концернов Norebo и Murman Seafood. Действия норвежской стороны в этом контексте не способствуют повышению эффективности системы управления и регулирования рыбного промысла в Северной Атлантике, которая формировалась в течение десятков лет и обеспечивает рациональное использование совместных запасов водных биоресурсов.

Убеждены в важности обеспечения соблюдения существующих договоренностей и недопущения срыва еврочиновниками их выполнения.

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Kommentar fra Russlands ambassadør i Norge Nikolay Korchunov til RIA Novosti (26. desember 2025)

❓Russland og Norge har gjenopptatt fiskerisamarbeidet. Hva er din kommentar til dette?

💬 Svar: Vi ser på gjenopptakelsen av samarbeidet mellom Russland og Norge på dette området med forsiktig optimisme, etter vanskelige forhandlinger innenfor Den blandede norsk-russiske fiskerikommisjon.

Vi mener at det fortsatte fiskerisamarbeidet gir håp om å opprettholde en konstruktiv dialog, hvis utsikter ble undergravd etter at Norge sluttet seg til EUs sanksjoner mot de russiske fiskeriselskapene Norebo og Murman Seafood. Den norske sidens handlinger i denne sammenheng bidrar ikke til effektiviteten av systemet for forvaltning og regulering av fiskeriet i Nord-Atlanteren, som har blitt utviklet over flere tiår og sikrer en rasjonell bruk av felles havressurser.

Vi er overbevist om viktigheten av å sikre overholdelse av eksisterende avtaler og hindre europeiske tjenestemenn i å forstyrre gjennomføringen av disse.

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🎙 Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov’s interview with Rossiya Segodnya International Information Agency (December 29, 2025)

Read in full

❓ Question: In February, Russia and the United States agreed to start working on normalising their relations. In your opinion, has there been progress in this matter after almost one year? How normal can we consider the diplomatic relations between Moscow and Washington today?

💬 Sergey Lavrov: Indeed, even during the telephone conversation on February 12 – their first contact after Donald Trump’s return to the White House – the presidents of Russia and the United States agreed that it is necessary to overcome the “toxic legacy” of the Joe Biden administration as soon as possible, in the interests of normalising Russia-US relations. This work began immediately. Our contacts have become steady since then. Both sides understand the importance of comparing their positions regularly, both on bilateral issues and on the topical international problems, including the situation in Ukraine.

At the same time, this has not been an easy process. The number of aggravating circumstances remains high. The negotiation teams of the Russian Foreign Ministry and the US Department of State are focusing their efforts primarily on restoring the full-fledged operation of our diplomatic missions. Following several rounds of consultations and meetings that took place at the working level, we have reached certain agreements concerning the improvement of the work of our diplomatic missions and their staff in their respective host countries.

Now, it is important to move to more significant matters. They include resuming direct flights and recovering our seized diplomatic property. The American side has received our proposals on removing these substantial barriers that hinder tangible improvements in our relations. However, the US Department of State continues to insist on linking these matters to unrelated political topics. This work will continue.

Key points:

• Russia has repeatedly stressed its unwavering commitment to primarily political and diplomatic solutions to the crisis around Ukraine. The US Administration is currently engaged in active and result-oriented mediation. <...> We hope that America will be able to keep to the agreements reached in Anchorage.

• The Russian army fully holds the strategic initiative, and the West understands that. Recently, President of Russia Vladimir Putin spoke at a meeting of the Defence Ministry Board and answered questions during the Direct Line. Once again, he clearly confirmed that all the goals of the special military operation will be achieved – preferably through talks but, if necessary, using military means.

• Vladimir Zelensky’s presidential powers expired in May 2024. The election in Ukraine must be held according to law. We have noted that the United States holds a similar view.

• Ukrainian people, including the vast majority of their compatriots now residing in Russia, must finally be given the opportunity to determine their own future. Crucially, the organisation of such a vote must not be used as a pretext for a temporary ceasefire to facilitate the rearmament of the Ukrainian forces.

• The priority must be establishing legally binding guarantees that address the root causes of this conflict. The foundational principles upon which Ukrainian statehood was recognised by Russia and the international community must be restored.

❗️ This entails enshrining Ukraine’s neutral, non-aligned, and nuclear-free status; achieving its demilitarisation and denazification; and halting the NATO countries’ military development of Ukrainian territory.

The rights and freedoms of native Russians and Russian-speaking citizens of Ukraine must be guaranteed, and the persecution of canonical Orthodoxy must cease.

Furthermore, Kiev and its Western sponsors must recognise the new territorial realities following the accession of Crimea, Sevastopol, the Donetsk and Lugansk People’s Republics, and the Zaporozhye and Kherson regions to the Russian Federation.

🗓 On December 29, President of Russia Vladimir Putin signed a decree establishing April 19 as the Day of Remembrance for the Victims of the Genocide of the Soviet People, perpetrated by the Nazis and their accomplices during the Great Patriotic War of 1941-1945.

The draft law to introduce this Day of Remembrance was developed by Russia's State Duma Committee on Defence in November 2025. The authors of the initiative proposed commemorating the victims on April 19, as on this date in 1943 the first legal act was issued that officially documented the Nazis’ policy of exterminating civilians in the occupied territories – Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR No. 39 “On punishment measures for Nazi villains guilty of killing and torturing the Soviet civilian population and captured Red Army soldiers, for spies, traitors to the motherland from among Soviet citizens and for their accomplices”.

Decree No. 39 laid the legal foundations for bringing to justice Nazi criminals and their accomplices, including Italian, Romanian, Hungarian and Finnish military personnel. Materials collected during investigations conducted on the basis of Decree No. 39 formed a key part of the evidentiary base at the Nuremberg Tribunal, the Khabarovsk Trial, and other judicial proceedings against war criminals from the Axis powers.

💬 Speaking at a meeting of Pobeda (Victory) Organizing Committee on July 2, 2020, Vladimir Putin noted:

“The Nazis planned to colonize the Soviet land, to kill or turn into slaves and to take away the languages and culture of all who lived here – the Slavs and people of other ethnicities. These crimes of the Nazis and their minions and the genocide against the peoples of the Soviet Union do not have a statute of limitations. This assessment must remain firm in our legislation and in the international law system”.

🕯 Losses caused by the actions of the Nazis and their accomplices during the Great Patriotic War amounted to no fewer than 27 million Soviet citizens, while the total estimated demographic losses of the USSR approached 50 million people.

#NoStatuteOfLimitations

#CSTO2026

🇷🇺 On January 1, Russia is assuming the chairmanship of the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (#CSTO)

❗️President of Russia Vladimir Putin recently presented the priorities of Russia’s chairmanship:

🔹 to consolidate the CSTO member states, shaping favourable conditions for their safe and steady development;

🔹 to improve the performance of the CSTO bodies;

🔹 to strengthen the role of interparliamentary cooperation in collective security;

🔹 to develop collective security resources with due consideration for the anticipated changes in global military and political affairs and in the CSTO collective security regions;

🔹 to expand cooperation in military medicine and biological threat protection;

🔹 to enhance the coordination of efforts to counter international terrorism and extremism, illegal drug and arms trafficking;

🔹 to advance the CSTO’s potential in combating transnational organised crime, the legalisation of criminal income, and the funding of terrorism;

🔹 to intensify cooperation in international cybersecurity;

🔹 to enhance efforts against illegal migration;

🔹 to prepare for the 2️⃣5️⃣th anniversary of the CSTO and the 3️⃣5️⃣th anniversary of the signing of the Collective Security Treaty, both marked in 2027.

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👩🏻‍💻The official website of Russia’s CSTO chairmanship will be launched on January 1, with regular CSTO news and updates.

📹 We are also presenting a video marking the start of Russia’s CSTO chairmanship. We thank our colleagues from the Mir International Television and Radio Company for producing the video.

❗️Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov’s statement on the beginning of Russia’s CSTO Presidency

On January 1, 2026, Russia assumed the presidency of the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (#CSTO) and will hold it under the motto, Collective Security in a Multipolar World: Common Goal, Shared Responsibility.

Together with our CSTO allies, we are joining forces to uphold our common approaches to resolving international security issues.

The fundamental documents of the Organisation set forth the principles of peaceful co-existence of states, the priority of a political and diplomatic settlement, and compliance with the international law with the UN playing a leading role. This forms the foundation for working with our partners to forge mutually beneficial relations and to actively engage in shaping the contours of a future architecture of equal and indivisible security across the Eurasian space. The CSTO could become one of its pillars.

We would like the Eurasian states to take responsibility for resolving security issues and determine the future of the continent themselves, without any outside interference.

The Collective Security Treaty Organisation has emerged as a prominent and respected association of allied states, whose activities are not directed against anyone, do not contain any aggressive aspirations, and aim exclusively to maintain regional stability and ensure the wellbeing of its member states. Moreover, all decisions in the Organisation are made by consensus based on a balance of interests, and cooperation is based on the principles of respect for each other, good neighbourliness, genuine friendship and mutual support.

🤝 Russia will ensure continuity in the development of main areas of cooperation, among other things, by continuing to work on implementing the initiatives of the presidency of the Kyrgyz Republic which has just finished.

In view of geopolitical tension, we will strive to further consolidate CSTO member states, strengthen allied ties, and deepen coordination on key international matters. We will continue our policy of expanding the CSTO’s network of contacts with the Eurasian states and their integration associations.

Our efforts will focus on effectively fulfilling the Organisation’s primary mission which consists of maintaining peace and stability in its area of responsibility, ensuring favourable conditions for safe development and prosperity of the CSTO member states. No one should have any doubts: we will not allow any chaos in our common home.

We attach great importance to the development of the enforcement dimension in the Organisation’s work. There are plans to focus on building up the capabilities of the Collective Forces of the CSTO, equipping them with up-to-date and compatible weapons and equipment. The work will be structured in accordance with the nature of current and potential challenges, taking into consideration the experience of present-day armed conflicts.

We will pay special attention to cooperation in protection against biological threats and information security. Ensuring technological leadership in the military sphere, developing military-industrial complexes of the CSTO countries and promoting their cooperation, and fulfilling the innovative potential will also be among our priorities.

We intend to use a wider range of tools for jointly countering international terrorism and extremism, money laundering and terrorist financing, as well as combating illicit drug and arms trafficking, transnational organised crime, and illegal migration.

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We are confident in the support of our partners in implementing the priorities of the Russian presidency, and ready to work closely together and productively in 2026.

I am convinced that through joint efforts we will bring cooperation within the CSTO to a new level to preserve and strengthen peace in the Organisation’s space.

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